Journal of Alevism-Bektashism Studies
https://abked.de/index.php/abked
<p>Journal of Alevism-Bektashism Studies endeavors to enrich academic literature with publications done on Alevi Bektashi belief system within different scientific fields. In this context, Journal of Alevism-Bektashism Studies, after reviewing process, publishes original research paper, compilation, translation, review and similar publications concerning Alevi Bektashi communities prepared according to scientific criteria.</p>Alevi–Bektashi Culture Instituteen-USJournal of Alevism-Bektashism Studies1869-0122Alevi-Bektaşi Kültür Enstitüsü Arşivi ve Alevi Bektaşi Kültür Enstitüsü Arşivi Kataloğu Üzerine
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/545
İlgar Baharlu
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2025-12-292025-12-293225826610.24082/2025.abked.545Tracing the Şatıroğlu Lineage
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/530
<p>In our country, 2023 was declared the Year of Âşık Veysel because he was a world-renowned folk artist whose messages of patriotism, tolerance, joy of life, and love, reflected in his poems written in a clear and pure language, illuminate both his own life and the future. The significance of the Alevi teachings embedded in these qualities is undeniable. A rich literature exists about Âşık Veysel, a prominent figure in Anatolian Alevism with his saz, words, and heartfelt beauty. Explanations of his life story, voice, music, world of meaning, and heritage occupy a significant place in this literature. Almost every study of his listed characteristics refers to the environment in which he was born and raised. After a limited overview of his village, family, and relatives, the main topic is explored. However, the genealogical ties and historical depths of these individuals, who have such a significant place in Alevi belief and culture, must be explored to the extent that archival sources allow. It is believed that efforts in this direction will yield two fundamentally important results. The first is to uncover information about individuals’ past lives, whether as families, clans, or tribes. This will naturally bring into contact the historical, geographical, economic, and cultural worlds, as well as the deep-rooted past of the individual. The second is to uncover some traces of the individual’s religious world.</p> <p>The study can be seen as an application of the above ideas in the context of the Âşık Veysel case. Focusing primarily on the first objective, individual achievements, the study aims to access information about Âşık Veysel’s family and lineage, using sources in the Ottoman Archives. Establishing the lineage of his family, which includes generations of members today, constitutes the focus of the study. For this purpose, a historical approach was undertaken by examining the population, dividend, and census records of the Emlak district, to which his village, Sivrialan, is administratively affiliated, to establish a spatial and individual lineage. By occasionally comparing archival material with current information, a certain understanding of lineage was sought. The study will highlight the points where these two sources of information intersect and disagree. Nevertheless, the study also aims to draw attention to the Ottoman Archive registers and funds, which have been virtually ignored in the Alevism field, and to encourage interested parties to conduct similar studies through the example of Âşık Veysel.</p>Murat Alandağlı
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2025-12-292025-12-293232410.24082/2025.abked.530The Mustache: An Indispensable Element of Alevî-Bektashi Physical Folklore
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/529
<p>From the perspective of body folklore, this study aims to illuminate an area that has not been sufficiently studied to date by examining the historical, cultural, and symbolic meanings of the beard and mustache among Alevî-Bektashis within the Islamic belief system. Based on the understanding that the body is shaped by culture and makes culture visible, it is evident that the beard and mustache are forms of religious expression. Unlike Sunnite and Shiite traditions, the meanings carried by bodily symbols in Alevî-Bektashi communities reflect a unique belief and philosophy of life. Therefore, analyzing expressions such as beards and mustaches is extremely valuable and necessary for understanding Alevî-Bektashi culture. In Alevî-Bektashi communities, the beard and mustache have been considered indicators of secrecy, bâtıniness, resistance, and identity consciousness, and in this respect, they have been the carriers of both individual and social memory. The cutting or shaping of the beard and moustache has not only been limited to religious rituals, but has also become a symbol of religious devotion, mystical upbringing, and historical belonging.</p> <p>This study aims to contribute to both folklore and Islamic mysticism literature by revealing the historical, ritual, and cultural contexts of the beard and mustache within the scope of Alevî-Bektashi body folklore.</p> <p>The study is also important in demonstrating how the body functions as a language of belief, how cultural identities are embodied, and how these symbols evolve into a historical field of resistance. The document analysis method, a qualitative research approach, was employed in the study. Written, visual, and audio academic studies on beard and mustache culture were analyzed through content analysis and critical discourse analysis techniques. In addition, relevant visuals were added to the study to give a better idea of the subject.</p>Muharrem Feratan
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2025-12-292025-12-2932255010.24082/2025.abked.529Postmodern Transformations in Religious Organization and Ritual Transmission: The Case of Hubyar Ocak
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/536
<p>Alevi ocak structures developed historically within social contexts characterized by the absence of centralized authority (interregnum) or by the limited reach of state power, evolving in accordance with the internal dynamics of the belief system. As constituent elements of the broader Alevi social structure, these ocaks, which display a relatively autonomous form of organization, may be conceptualized as congregation-based substructures (congregations). Although they do not pursue an explicit missionary agenda, these formations have provided mechanisms for maintaining internal stability and social order, and have existed in Anatolia since at least the thirteenth century. Through their regionally bounded and inward-oriented character, ocaks have managed to protect themselves against external pressures and hostilities from other religious traditions, thereby sustaining their communities over time.</p> <p>This organizational model, which proved stable and effective under medieval conditions and also embodied a form of governance parallel to central authority, has increasingly lost its viability under post-modern conditions. Rapid industrialization and the ensuing waves of mass migration dissolved the geographical and social isolation of Alevi communities, a process that simultaneously initiated the erosion of ocak structures. As Alevis became integrated into new social environments, they were increasingly compelled to distance themselves from traditional institutions and belief-based frameworks. Migration disrupted established patterns of social organization, leading individuals to lose familiar social positions and, consequently, their institutional ties to ocaks.</p> <p>The weakening of these traditional affiliations prompted new forms of social and cultural searching within urbanized contexts, giving rise to alternative organizational structures. Cultural associations and political unions offering secular modes of belonging emerged as prominent options in these new environments. Developments over the past fifty years have thus produced profound transformations in Alevi religious affiliations and practices. Within this broader context, the present study offers an ethnographic observation of these transformations through the specific case of the Hubyar Ocak.</p>Hıdır Temel
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2025-12-292025-12-2932517510.24082/2025.abked.536Animals and Symbolic Values Attributed to Animals in Alevi Mythology
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/539
<p>Myths, regarded as real and sacred as the narrative of truth, address how any form of reality comes into existence, how a particular entity is created, or how any object, whether animate or inanimate, attains its present form and meaning. Considering that every being, living or non-living, possesses a mythical history, it can likewise be asserted that animals, an integral part of the natural world, also have their own mythical past. Throughout human history, people have sought to explain the beings in their environment and to ascribe meaning to them. As a mechanism of interpretation, myths have profoundly shaped human beliefs, as well as their perspectives toward the external world and the beings inhabiting it. The path language of Alevism, formed predominantly within an oral-cultural milieu, is interwoven with mythical and mystical expressions and significations. Alevism, which accommodates many mythic narratives within this unique linguistic framework, has its own distinct mythology. The corpus of Alevi mythology includes explanations concerning how its institutions, beliefs, rituals, and external environment are perceived. For this reason, this subject was chosen as the focus of study in order to provide a clearer understanding of the path language, belief system, and Alevi mythology. This study aims to elucidate how animals are explained in Alevi mythic narratives, which components of the belief system they influence, which elements of belief they help to illuminate, and whether the doctrine of tenasüh (transmigration) has any impact on beliefs concerning animals. In this research, a qualitative methodology and a cultural analysis model were employed. Fieldwork was conducted based on pre-formulated questions, and data were collected through semi-structured interviews. These interviews were recorded with a voice recorder and subsequently transcribed and analyzed. Content analysis was used in examining the data. The study group consisted of dedes, âşıks (minstrels), talips, and village elders representing traditional Alevism who reside in the districts and villages of Amasya, Çorum, Samsun, and Tokat. The research identified mythic narratives concerning how animals such as oxen, fish, snakes and other reptiles, crows, swallows, lions, cats, cranes, pigeons, rabbits, bears, wolves, horses, mules, chickens, and roosters acquired their various attributes, present forms, and symbolic meanings. It was observed that some animals acquired specific physical shapes and characteristic traits through their associations with religious figures such as Gabriel, Eve, Ishmael, Prophet Muhammad, Ali, Hızır, and Hacı Bektaş Veli. Additionally, it was determined that the belief in tenasüh, which holds a prominent position within Alevi thought, significantly shapes the community’s positive or negative attitudes toward animals. Furthermore, the findings indicate that the geographical environment in which Alevis live, along with the economic activities tied to this environment, has contributed to certain animals, especially barn animals, being regarded as more favorable, whereas animals belonging to mountainous habitats tend to be viewed as less acceptable.</p>Mehmet Şahin
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2025-12-292025-12-29327612210.24082/2025.abked.539The Theme of Love in Kaygusuz Abdâl’s Dîvân
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/537
<p>This article examines the representations, symbolic dimensions, and mystical layers of meaning of the concept of love (ʿishq) in the Dīvān of Kaygusuz Abdâl, one of the prominent Sufi poets who lived in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. Kaygusuz Abdâl interprets love as a fundamental principle guiding humanity toward divine truth and as a transformative force in the process of returning to the essence of being. He conceives love as both the source and the manifestation of the eternal bond between human beings and God. In his poetry, love functions as the primary means through which existence returns to its origin, the self is annihilated, and the knowledge of truth is attained. Moreover, the heart (gönül), which emerges prominently in the poems as the locus of divine manifestation, is positioned as the sole dwelling place of love.</p> <p>The poet’s use of vernacular language, didactic tone, direct address, and allegorical narration brings the abstract concept of love into the realm of concrete experience. In this respect, Kaygusuz Abdâl approaches mystical love not merely as a metaphysical notion but also as an inner process of human transformation. In the poems of the Dīvān, love is treated on both “metaphorical” (mecazi) and “true” (hakiki) levels, skillfully weaving transitions between worldly affection and divine love. The language employed by the poet combines the aesthetic structure of classical poetry with elements of folk expression, thereby creating an original mystical style. Within this linguistic framework, love becomes a symbol of seeking, burning, and purification.</p> <p>In the Dīvān of Kaygusuz Abdâl, love is not only a thematic element but also the central component of the transformative process through which the human being is purified of the self and attains absolute being in accordance with the doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd (the unity of existence). Through selected couplets from the Dīvān, this study analyzes the relationship of love with the concepts of its “nature,” “outcome,” “poetic aesthetics,” “its locus of manifestation in the human being,” and its “path.” In this context, the article aims to render visible the multilayered structure of love by employing text-centered analysis alongside Sufi interpretative methods. The findings highlight Kaygusuz Abdâl’s distinctive position within the tradition of Sufi poetry and reveal the depth of his conception of love.</p>Fadime Kurtoğluİsmail Söylemez
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2025-12-292025-12-293212314010.24082/2025.abked.537Beliefs and Rituals Related to Death among Tahtacı Alevis of Yakapınar Village
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/531
<p>Death has been one of the natural phenomena that individuals and societies have been unable to resist since the beginning of human history. While it is scientifically defined as the cessation of the functions of the circulatory and respiratory systems, societies perceive death primarily as a cultural phenomenon. Beyond its biological dimension, death occupies a significant cultural sphere of meaning and is expressed through the rituals that societies have developed around it. In some cultures, death is not understood as an absolute end; rather, it is interpreted as the beginning of a new state of existence in which the human soul departs from the lived world and embarks on an eternal journey. In the face of this inevitable natural event, societies experience a sense of helplessness and have therefore created rituals surrounding death in order to alleviate this helplessness and ease the pain brought about by loss. The primary purpose of these rituals is to facilitate the deceased’s migration or journey to the “other world” and to mitigate the grief of those left behind.</p> <p>Among the communities that continue to vividly sustain the belief that death is not an end, the Tahtacıs occupy a prominent place. In Tahtacı belief, death is regarded not only as a new beginning but also as a representation of a return to the essence. This understanding is grounded in the belief that human beings were created from God’s own light and, upon death, reunite with Him—that is, with their essence. The fact that death is defined as “walking toward the Truth” (Hakk’a yürümek) in Tahtacı society, and that the consolatory expressions uttered after death symbolically describe the deceased’s migration or journey, demonstrates that this belief continues to be preserved to the present day. In addition to the belief in a return to the essence, the Tahtacı community also maintains the belief that the human soul continues to exist in different realms after death; moreover, it is known that two distinct types of death are recognized within Tahtacı belief.</p> <p>In this article, the Tahtacı community’s interpretations of death and the rituals performed around this phenomenon are examined through the case of Yakapınar Village, one of the three Tahtacı villages located in the Bayındır district of İzmir, using quantitative research methods. The death-related rituals are analyzed comparatively with the death beliefs and rituals of ancient Turkic tradition, and both their contemporary forms of practice and the changes they have undergone are discussed. In order to provide a clearer understanding of the subject and in light of the findings of the literature review, the rituals related to death that constitute the focus of this study are examined under three main headings: pre-death, death, and post-death.</p>Sultan Yıldız Aydınlıoğlu
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2025-12-292025-12-293214118010.24082/2025.abked.531From Worship to Folkloric Display: The Decontextualization and Transformation of the Semah Ritual in Turkish Cinema
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/541
<p>This article examines how semah, one of the fundamental components of the cem ritual within the Alevi belief system, is represented in Turkish cinema, focusing on the ways in which this representation departs from its ritual context and is reconstituted with new meanings. The transformative nature of rituals, shaped by social processes such as migration, urbanization, politics, and cultural mobility, provides a conceptual framework for understanding the cinematic circulation of semah. Conceived as an integrated whole organized through the unity of word, melody, and service, the cem reveals the theological, mythical, and symbolic dimensions of semah, moving it beyond a purely corporeal sequence of movements.</p> <p>The study establishes its conceptual framework by addressing the mythical origins of semah, the narrative of the Kırklar, and Sufi interpretations, and by examining the spatial and functional transformations of rituals following the migration of Alevi communities from rural to urban settings. Within this historical context, cinematic representations are analyzed chronologically. While the earliest appearances of semah in the 1970s were shaped by folkloric aesthetics and censorship conditions, representations in the 1980s increasingly transformed the ritual into a symbolic and dramatic narrative element. In the 1990s, some films display a growing fidelity to ritual context, whereas others reinterpret semah at the level of personal ecstasy and metaphor. From the 2000s onward, semah is recontextualized in diverse ways—as a narrative of love, a marker of identity, an institutionalized performance, or a cinematic staging that renders traumatic memory visible. The findings demonstrate that the shift of semah from a sphere of worship to one of cultural performance can be traced through cinematic language, aesthetic choices, and narrative strategies.</p>Melisa Öztürk
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2025-12-292025-12-293218121910.24082/2025.abked.541Death Beliefs and Rituals Among The Kınık Chepni in Arpaseki Village: An EvaluationiIn Terms of Mythic Background and Ancient Turkic Beliefs
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/535
<p>This study examines the beliefs surrounding death and the rituals structured around it among the Chepni community living in Arpaseki Village, located in the Kınık district of İzmir, through a fieldwork-based methodological approach. The research focuses on the mythological background of these practices and their enduring connections with ancient Turkic belief systems. Although these rituals are outwardly performed within an Islamic and Alevi-Bektashi framework, the study is grounded in the central argument that their deep structural layers distinctly preserve pre-Islamic Turkic cultural and religious codes, most notably those associated with Shamanism. The data of the study were obtained through interviews conducted with 31 informants as part of an extensive field study carried out in the village. The collected material was classified and analyzed under three main categories: beliefs and practices preceding death, funeral preparations and burial processes, and post-mortem mourning and commemorative practices.</p> <p>The findings reveal that among the Arpaseki Chepni, death is not perceived as an “end” but rather as a transition of the soul to another plane of existence, marking a new beginning. Omens preceding death—such as dreams, animal behavior, and physical changes; burial practices including the construction of a symbolic “dwelling” in the grave, covering the grave with pine branches after burial, and lighting kindling at the place where the deceased is washed; as well as strict observances during the forty-day mourning period and the Dardan İndirme ritual specific to the Alevi-Bektashi tradition—all constitute manifestations of continuity with the ancient Turkic Sky God belief, the ancestor cult, nature cults, and Shamanistic cosmology.</p> <p>This article argues that, in the specific case of Arpaseki Village, Chepni culture uniquely synthesizes the ancient Turkic mythological worldview with Islamic and Alevi-Bektashi beliefs. This synthesis becomes particularly visible in practices centered on death and offers valuable insights into the historical depth, transformation, and continuity of Turkic culture.</p>İsmail Akkanat
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2025-12-292025-12-293222025510.24082/2025.abked.535Baharlu, İlgar (2025). Şah’ın Bahçesinde: Şah İsmail Öncesi ve Sonrası Kızılbaşlık. (2.Baskı). İstanbul: Kapı Yayınları. 296 sayfa. ISBN: 978-625-661-92-9
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/544
Şenol Ede
Copyright (c) 2025 Journal of Alevism-Bektashism Studies
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2025-12-292025-12-293226728210.24082/2025.abked.544Yaman, Ali (2024). Şâh-ı Merdân’a Talip Olanlar: Kızılbaşlar, Aleviler, Bektaşîler (Temel Bilgiler). İstanbul: Post Yayınevi. 255 Sayfa. ISBN: 9786256297227
https://abked.de/index.php/abked/article/view/542
Berkay Koçyiğit
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2025-12-292025-12-293228329510.24082/2025.abked.542